Monday, June 24, 2024

What Can Republicans Learn from the Success of European Conservatives in Attracting Young Voters?

 

One of the most significant and underreported political events of recent years is the changing nature of youth politics.  In places as diverse as India, Canada, Japan and the United States, younger voters are increasingly supportive of conservative- and libertarian-leaning political parties and candidates. 

The growing interest in conservatism among the young was evident in the June European Parliamentary elections.  Strong support and heavy turnout by younger voters enabled conservative parties to make large gains. 

This post covers three topics. First, what happened in the EU elections and what was the role of younger voters in the conservative surge?  Second, what do Europe’s conservative parties stand for?  And third, what can the Republican party in the United States draw from the European’s success in attracting young voters? 


What happened in June?

Conservative parties gained forty seats in the 720 members EU parliament.  Their gains aren’t large enough to take control.  However, conservative gains will give them greater ability to shape EU policy in a wide range of areas including economics, immigration, energy and foreign policy. 

The conservative showing was particularly strong in France and Germany, the two largest EU nations in terms of both population and economic output.  France’s National Rally gained seven and now controls the largest single block, 30 seats, out of that country’s 81-member delegation. Emmanuel Macron’s Ensemble and The Environmentalists, a green party, were crushed.  In Germany, gains by the Alternative for Germany advanced that party from fourth to second place in terms of the number of seats controlled in the largest EU delegation. 

Instrumental in conservative gains were younger voters.  Political observer Yascha Mounk highlights the role of young voters in the success of conservative parties in the EU election.

“Remarkably, these developments are fueled, not slowed, by young voters. In Poland, a plurality of voters under the age of 30 supported the far-right Konfederacja. In France, the National Rally did a little better among voters under the age of 35 than it did in the population as a whole. In Germany, the young are now significantly more likely to vote for the far right than the old, with the AfD outpolling the Greens among those who are younger than 25.”


What do the European conservative parties stand for?

One of the main differences between politics in the European Union and the United States is that the EU’s proportional representation system allows many more parties to obtain seats in a legislative body that the first-past-the post system in the United States.  While the United States has two major parties, several dozen different parties are represented in the EU parliament.  Most of these parties have joined one of seven different coalitions though some act on their own. 

While conservative parties are often derided as “far right”, most Americans would find a lot to like in the platforms of Identity and Democracy or the European Conservative and Reformists, the largest conservative blocks, or the Alternative for Germany, the largest group of independents. 

One reason that conservatives are so often derided in the media is that EU politics are far to the left of those in the United States.  One measure of how far left EU politics are is that the “centrist” block in parliament consists of a coalition of establishment parties and self-described socialists.  Pundits rarely dispense the same opprobrium to parties of the left which include many former communists and anti-capitalist parties. 

Another is that news media in Europe have strong financial incentive to support ruling parties.  Unlike the United States, in which most media is privately owned and funded, state run media is common in Europe and private media organizations in most European countries receive substantial direct or indirect financial support from their governments.  Government ownership and funding provides an incentive for media to provide ruling parties with favorable coverage and disparage the opposition.

The European conservatives mostly share the following positions: 

  • Conservative parties tend to view open border immigration as a security issue and oppose unfettered mass migration into the EU. 
  • Conservative parties tend to be more supportive of the continued use of fossil fuels and oppose net-zero policies for carbon emissions.
  • Conservative parties opposed the most extreme COVID lockdown measures.
  • Conservative parties either oppose or have taken a more moderate stance toward the continuation of the NATO/Ukraine war with Russia.  

The views of the conservative parties on economics are more heterodox.  Writing in Intereconomics, Philip Ruthgrab provides a thoughtful summary of their range of positions of the conservative parties.

  •  Conservative parties tend to be pro-business and seek to reduce the tax and regulatory burdens on their domestic private sectors. 
  • Conservative parties generally want more national autonomy over economic decision making.  Party positions range between those seeking greater flexibility within the EU to those seeking outright exit as Britain voted to do in 2020. 
  •       Some want EU member states to strictly adhere to EU fiscal rules on deficit spending while others want more fiscal flexibility.

In short, the range of opinion of the European conservatives on most issues is broadly similar to the positions of the Republican Party in the United States. 


What does this mean for Trump and the Republican Party? 

What did the European conservatives do to woo young voters, and can the Republican Party do the same in the United States?  Here are three takeaways from the EU elections for the GOP. 

1. Don’t back down when attacked. 

Europe’s conservative parties have not backed down from attacks from establishment politicians and the elite media. 

Europe’s conservative parties have also been subject to political persecutions like those waged by the Democrats against Donald Trump.  Germany’s AfD has been subject to ongoing harassment by the security state.  Establishment politicians in Germany have gone so far as to suggest banning the AfD, Germany’s second largest political party. 

The attacks on conservative parties have been ineffective in part due to the unpopularity of the establishment parties.  Some 70 percent of Germans and two-thirds of the French disapprove of the performance of their current governments.

Rhetorical attacks and lawfare of the establishment elites are seen by many young people as an attempt to silence their critics and deflect from the failures of the governing parties.  As the 25-year-old Bence Szabó from Hungary told the BBC,   “Everything coming from the right is being demonized, but we can actually solve the issues that the left tried to solve - and failed.”

Harassment and persecution of political opponents is decidedly undemocratic and authoritarian.  It makes the EU look like a banana republic writ large, albeit with espresso rather than coffee. 

2. Understand the concerns of the young  

Conservative parties also emphasized issues that have a major impact on the economic and physical well-being of young people.  These include inflation, crime, the COVID lockdowns, and the high cost of housing. 

Basic economic concerns were a motivating factor for Lazar Potrebic, a 25-year-old from Serbia. He told the BBC “We are not extremists. We are just angry. We feel like our needs are not being met. People our age are taking really important life steps. We're getting our first jobs, thinking about starting a family…but if you look around Europe, rent prices are going through the roof - and it’s hard to get work.”

Young Europeans are particularly concerned with two issues where the conservatives sharply differ with the establishment parties and the parties of the left: mass immigration and the war in Ukraine. 

One is immigration.  Young people feel the effects of Europe’s open borders policies more acutely than the old.  In a widely circulated post, Boris Palmer, mayor of the city of Tübingen in Germany, explains why:

“[young Germans] experience what irregular migration means on a daily basis,” Palmer wrote on Facebook on Monday.  “Above all, the young men who have arrived alone are changing the living environment of young people. In the park, in the club, on the street, on the bus, at the train station, in the schoolyard.” 

The war in Ukraine also weighed heavily on the minds of young Europeans who don’t want their nation or themselves to be dragged into another world war. In early 2022, the war in Ukraine replaced climate as the top concern of young Germans. Since then, young Germans have been in what some observers have termed a “permanent crisis mode.” The AfD’s Maximilian Krah put the war in terms young people can understand in a TikTok video:

"The war in Ukraine is not your war. Zelenskyy is not your president. … But this is costing you money and you are running the risk that Germany gets dragged into this war, otherwise you will have to go and fight on the eastern front where your grandfather's brothers and cousins lost their lives…",

In contrast to the AfD, Germany’s Green party has been the most enthusiastic supporter greater escalation of the war with Russia.

3. Harness the power of social media.

Young people are more likely than the old to get their information from social media. Conservative gains among younger voters in part to skillful use of social media by conservative parties. 

In contrast to Europe, the Republican party and Republican politicians in the United States lag far behind the Democrats in the use of social media to connect with voters.  there are some exceptions, the most noteworthy of which is Donald Trump. 

Social media allows political figures to sweep aside gatekeepers in the media and communicate directly with voters.  Young people appreciate the frankness of direct connections. 

The German news outlet Deutsche Weil characterized the conservative Alternative for Germany as the TikTok Party.  “The AfD reaches as many young people in Germany on TikTok as all the other parties combined. Traditional parties in Germany have so far done little to counter the AfD and its modern social media strategy.”

The same is true of France’s National Rally whose president, Jordan Bardella, is just 28 years old.  Bardella’s TikTok channel is filled with clips of him speaking directly to viewers, or at rallies and debates, as well as doing ordinary things like enjoying a chocolate or having a glass of wine.  It is working.  Bardella has 1.7 million followers and his videos have garnered over 40 million likes, 5 million more than the TikTok channel of President of France. 

Wednesday, June 19, 2024

The Hill: Why Biden is losing young Democrats like me

 Jeremy Etelson writes in The Hill why young Democrats are abandoning Biden.  Etelson is a former College Democrats chapter president and campaign staffer for Democrats.  

He explains why young voters including young Democrats like him are walking away from Joe Biden:

Biden is currently sitting on top of a seismic shift in the political parties’ voting coalitions. His average approval rating under 38 percent unfortunately is historically low for a president at this time in a first term. In 2020, Biden won young voters by 25 points.

Now disapproval of Biden is widespread among young voters, with him losing 18–29 year-olds and all under-45 voters when polled against all general election candidates. The dissent is not baseless, and not all young dissenters are doing so because of American support for Israel’s war against Hamas. Beyond Biden’s personal cognitive challenges, his administration’s policies are having indefensible consequences.

The United States is now entrenched in numerous international conflicts, each of which is increasingly dangerous and more complicated than a good-versus-evil narrative. Biden is largely responsible for escalating the Russia-Ukraine war, funding Ukraine through their incremental defeat while ignoring diplomatic negotiation and ceasefire offers. Biden has also allowed the funding of Iran throughout their proxy war against American and our Middle East allies. Meanwhile, North Korea has abandoned the decades-long reconciliation process with South Korea, following our escalation of multilateral military exercises in the region. Nuclear world war is now more probable than at any time since the Cuban Missile Crisis.

At home, the future looks dire for middle-class and low-income Americans. Most people worry about how we’ll deal with this historic inflation and the mounting federal debt. Rent prices are still above pre-pandemic levels, and half of all Americans now spend more than one third of their income on rent. Homelessness also spiked from 2022 to 2023 to the highest level since 2006. Each of these issues is even more alarming when considering this year’s expansion of BRICS, an informal coalition of emerging nations, and their increasing movement away from the dollar as the world’s reserve currency.  

In the meantime, an imminent national security risk has been generated by the border crisis. U.S. Customs and Border Protection have encountered at least 8.1 million people unlawfully crossing the southwest border since 2021, which is all in addition to the estimated 10 million undocumented immigrants who were already in the country when Biden took office.

Biden's policies have been a disaster for young Americans.  

Biden's massive spending programs, the skyrocketing debt, his anti-growth economic policies and his foreign wars are going to burden young Americans for decades to come.  

Monday, June 3, 2024

Donald Trump and the 2024 Youth Vote

Young Americans are warming to the idea of a second Trump presidency.  Trump in 2024 is more popular with younger voters than ever.

This article examines the political preferences of young Americans as reflected in the Youth Poll conducted by The Institute of Politics at Harvard University.  Harvard’s Youth Poll provides a high-quality picture of the views of young Americans.  The poll has been conducted every Spring and Fall since 2003 and many questions repeat between waves.  Respondents are limited to Americans between the ages of 18 and 29.  Sample sizes are larger than the typical 500-1000 respondents in the typical political opinion poll.  The margin of error in the Harvard Youth Poll is 3 percent or less.  


The tables below contain the results of Harvard Polls taken in the Spring of each election year.  The fieldwork dates and the sample sizes appear in a table at the end of this note.


Youth Poll results show that young Americans are much more likely in 2024 to plan to cast a vote for Donald Trump than they were at the same point in the 2016 election and marginally more likely  than in 2020.  The eight point difference in Trump support between 2016 and 2024 is statistically significant at the 95 percent level.      


In contrast, support for Biden has collapsed.  The share of young adults planning to vote for Joe Biden in November is 14 percentage points lower in 2024 than in 2020.  Biden is now just 7 points ahead of Trump (38 percent to 31 percent) compared to 22 points at the same time in 2020.  


A larger share of young Americans are undecided in 2024 than at the same point in the 2016 or 2020 election cycles.  The growth of undecideds almost exactly matches the decline in support for Biden.  The high share of undecided young adults presents a huge opportunity for Donald Trump and the Republicans.  In 2024, 41 million members of Gen Z (ages 18 to 27) will be eligible to vote.  The ability to attract young voters to the Republican ticket over the next six months could well make the difference to the outcome of the coming election. 


Young Trump supporters are much more enthusiastic about their candidate than young Biden supporters.  According to the Harvard Youth Poll, 68 percent of young Trump supporters are enthusiastic about their candidate, an increase of 17 percentage points since 2020.  



Enthusiasm for Biden has collapsed since 2020.  Just over two in five young Biden supporters–42 percent–are enthusiastic about their candidate, a decline of 17 percentage points since 2020.  



Other results in the 2024 Harvard Poll suggests that it will be difficult for Biden to close the enthusiasm gap.  For one, a majority of young adults–56 percent–tell Harvard that they don’t follow politics closely.  Second, young people are overwhelmingly negative about the current direction of the country.  In the 2024 poll, just 9 percent saw the United States as headed in the right direction.  Third, Biden’s student debt bailout plans are of interest to just a small sliver of the young electorate.  Just 26 percent of young adults overall consider student debt relief an important issue.  Results are little different among independents (26 percent important) and young adults in battleground states (27 percent important).  Fourth, unanticipated events over the next six months are unlikely to rally young voters to Biden.  Just 26 percent expressed confidence in the 2024 survey regarding Biden’s ability to lead in a crisis.  


Lack of enthusiasm for Biden and the high share of young adults that are undecided presents an enormous opportunity for Donald Trump and other Republicans.  


Should Trump and Republican candidates make an effort to present solutions to the top concerns of young Americans –inflation, jobs, and the high cost of living–in terms that resonate with them, they could easily find enough votes to win the Presidency and one or both houses of Congress.    


Republicans should not ignore the 40 million members of Gen Z who will be eligible to vote in 2024, about half of whom will be eligible to vote for the first time.  Despite the growing youth support for Donald Trump, Republicans have done little to connect to this vital demographic group.  A good start would be to document exactly how young Americans would benefit from the Republican platform and economic agenda.